How Left/Right Partisanship Starts a Civil War in Spain | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1936 Part 2 of 3 - YouTube (1)
I suppose you could call the Spanish Civil War World War Two's practice run. The mass
killings, industrial warfare, and blurring of lines between civilians and combatants
that we will see in the years 1939 to 1945 will already happen from 1936-1939 on the
Iberian Peninsula.
But how has Spain, a country which has mostly kept itself out of international affairs,
found itself in this position? Why has it become such a powder keg? As we will soon
see, the pre-war Spanish Republic is rife with violence and strife. In its short life,
it will be continually rocked by revolution, uprisings, and coups. Its defeat is never
inevitable, but it will not be a surprise when it descends into civil war.
Welcome to Between-2-Wars a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all
facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's
descent into the darkness of the Second World War. I'm Indy Neidell.
Since 1874, Spain has been a constitutional monarchy under the royal House of Bourbon.
Despite being relatively liberal, the political system is widely undemocratic. Ruling parties
have monopolized political power and corruption is rife. By 1923, the system has become so
discredited that even King Alfonso XIII backs a military coup- an authoritarian dictatorship
under Miguel Primo de Rivera. At first, it is actually pretty popular but soon runs into
difficulties. Economic and social problems are widespread, and Primo begins to alienate
and lose his powerful allies. He is forced to resign in January 1930, and, in April 1931,
local elections are held which basically become a referendum on the monarchical system. Republican
and socialist parties dominate the results and celebrations break out nationwide. Alfonso
flees the country, although he does not technically abdicate, and a provisional government is
forged. The Second Spanish Republic is born.
General elections are held in June, and a coalition of socialist and Republican parties,
chiefly the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the Radical Republican Party, are swept
to power. They immediately set about passing new legislation to kickstart Spain's path
to the modern age.
The crowning moment comes in December when the Spanish parliament, the Cortes, approves
a new constitution. Within it is all the reformist zeal of the new regime. Spain is defined as
a "republic of workers of all categories" and as firmly democratic and secular. Women
are given the right to vote, and a Presidency is established with influential, but strictly
limited, powers.
In an era where authoritarian ideas seem to be gaining ground at an alarming rate, there
is much to be celebrated about the birth of Spanish democracy.
But already the country is being squeezed from both sides of the political spectrum.
On the one hand, the Catholic Church and the forces of conservatism. On the other, the
communists and anarchists of the far-left.
Now, the regime hasn't exactly tried to make peace with the Church. The Cortes has passed
legislation which introduces divorce and civil marriage, removes religious symbols from public
buildings, and enforces taxation on Church finances. Even more harshly, they ban all
teaching by religious orders, which not the smartest move, considering the government
doesn't have really the budget to fund the resulting teaching shortfall. But the Church
is seriously powerful. The Asociación Católica de Propagandistas (ACNP) owns the biggest
network of radio and newspapers in the county, and they pump out anti-Republican propaganda
and denounce all these “attacks” against Catholic Spain.
They are joined by the conservative rural oligarchy. They are angry at legislation pushed
through by the socialists in government. New laws reduce working hours, introduce mandatory
overtime pay, and safeguard the right to strike. This is totally unacceptable to elites used
to the suddenly former social order. And for similar reasons, as well as the radical rhetoric
of the regime in general, the aristocracy and industrial classes also have no desire
to see the Republic succeed.
On the other side of Spanish politics, much of the radical left see little difference
between the old regime and the new. Agricultural workers are particularly dissatisfied with
the pace of reform as the government struggles to penetrate the distant and traditional corners
of Spain. With directions from the Soviet Union, Communists work to generate support
against the Republic, but their influence is actually pretty limited. Far more powerful
is the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). This is a confederation of trade unions
who subscribe to anarcho-syndicalism. In very basic terms this is a doctrine which believes
that trade unions should be at the forefront of the fight against capitalism to achieve
a classless, anarchist society. Fron the get go, the CNT works to mobilize the masses through
grassroots organizing. And many are not afraid of using violence, as they unleash an all-out
revolutionary offensive. Armed robberies, bombings, and killings are common. Deadly
clashes between the Civil Guard and striking workers happen all over. The former still
use the same tactics that they always used in monarchist Spain- most infamous among them
they Ley de Fugas, the extrajudicial killing of prisoners on the false claim they are trying
to escape. Things get especially brutal in the countryside. In the final days of 1931,
four civil guards shoot and kill a laborer during what was until then a peaceful demonstration
in the south-western Badajoz province. A furious crowd pile onto the guardsman, beating them
all to death with stones and knives.
Violence continues in 1932. In January in Logroño, Civil Guards open fire on protesting
factory workers. 11 protesters are killed. One of them is a pregnant woman, another a
four-year-old child. That same month, a CNT-organized insurrection is staged in Catalonia. It is
put down pretty quickly, but it is violent, and more are on the horizon.
Although the right are notably less violent at this point, they stage their own power
grab some months later in August. Led by former head of the Civil Guard, General Sanjurjo,
a group of military leaders attempt to reverse the leftist course they see the government
following. But it is poorly organized and not nearly enough rebel troops even turn up.
The rising in Madrid is particularly desperate, not lasting longer than four hours. Sanjurjo
is kind of successful in Seville, though. With no shots fired, he takes control of the
city for around 24 hours. But when he sees everywhere else has failed, he steps down.
He is sentenced to death, but this is commuted to life in prison. All in all, only around
9 people are killed.
Not wanting to be outdone by the right, the CNT carry out another insurrection in January
1933. Like the Sanjurjo coup, it is swiftly defeated. But unlike the coup, it is very
violent. In Casas Viejas, rebels fortify themselves in a house and begin shooting at the police.
The police set the house ablaze with the rebels and their families still inside. The escaping
survivors are executed on the spot, with a final death toll of 19 insurgents and 3 policeman.
After witnessing all these failed power-grabs, many on the right decide to adopt a more legal
approach in their opposition. This policy becomes known as “accidentalism”, the
belief that the form of regime itself, be it liberal, corrupt, authoritarian, doesn't
really matter. What does matter is what can be achieved within the framework as it stands.
Led by José María Gil-Robles, "accidentalists" form the Confederación Española de Derechas
Autónomas (CEDA) in February 1933, and begin challenging the system from within. It is
a broad-church, made up of Catholic organizations, monarchists, and pretty much anyone who might
not suppor the current regime. While professing to play the democratic game, though, Gil-Robles
movement reveals clear admiration for fascist movements across Europe. It has a uniformed
and violent youth wing, holds rallies, and regularly emphasizes loyalty to the fatherland
in classic Hitler-style rhetoric.
Not everyone on the anti-Republican right follows an accidentalist strategy, though.
Opposing them are the catastrophists who believe in the complete overthrow of the Republican
system. The three main groups here are the Alfonsists, the Carlists, and the Falangists.
The Alfonsists seek the restoration of Alfonso XIII with a militaristic and staunchly Catholic
dictatorship. The Carlists are pretty similar but instead see an alternative branch of the
House of Bourbon as the true heirs to Spain's throne. Both the Alfonsists and the Carlists
are reactionary and devoutly Catholic. Like the CEDA, both movements also have significant
fascist traits. But it is the Falangists who are most clearly fascist. In 1933, Falangists
are an assortment of fascist groups which by 1934 will have unified under José Antonio
Primo de Rivera, the eldest son of the former dictator and modelled on Mussolini's fascist
ideas.
For now these "catostrophists" play a marginal role in Spanish politics. But they will come
to be critical players in just a few years.
So, already in its first two years. The Spanish Republic is facing severe challenges.
Social tensions are rising ever-more as the economic situation worsens. The political
alliance of Republicans and socialists is falling apart. They are growing increasingly
distrustful of one another as the Radicals seem to pull rightward and the Socialist Workers
Party pull leftward. The government collapses in the fall of 1933 and new elections are
held in November. Now, but while the Republican coalition is falling apart, the right-wing
movement, under Gil-Robles CEDA, has remained united. This works significantly in their
favor. See, the Spanish electoral system heavily favors strong coalitions rather than fragmented
partisanships, and the CEDA wins the highest number of votes. They are short of an overall
majority, and the Radical party are still able to form a government with the blessing
of the President. But it is a coalition with much more of a rightwing bent, excluding the
socialists and relying on the parliamentary support of the CEDA.
If the new government wasn't weary enough about the instability of the Republic, they
most certainly are when on the day of the opening session of the Cortes, December 8th,
the CNT stage their third insurrection. Again, it is put down but not without significant
difficulty and bloodshed. Spain seems to be slipping into a state of quasi-civil war.
Now, one of the biggest reasons for the failures of the Spanish leftwing movement so far in
both parliament and revolution is that they often hate each other almost as much as they
hate capitalism. But many are beginning to realize that this can't go on and start searching
for new ways to beat back the rising reactionary tide. The most significant thinker here is
Joaquín Maurín who advocates a united front of Workers Alliances. It is a popular idea
among many leftists and it is soon put to the test on October 6, 1934. It all starts
when three CEDA politicians are given government positions. In response various left wing groups
collectively stage strikes and protests up and down the country. The government declares
a state of war and manages to control the poorly organized revolution in most regions.
But things not so easily in the province of Asturias where tens of thousands of socialist,
anarchist, and communist miners collectively establish a full-blown revolutionary commune.
The desperate government turn towards the much-admired General Francisco Franco for
help. Franco's answer to the revolution the use of the Spanish airforce and crack
troops from the colonies. The fighting is savage. Rail-lines and rebel strongholds are
bombed, and government forces carry out summary executions en-masse on captured revolutionaries.
There are also stories of miners families being raped and mutilated by marauding government
troops. After two-weeks, these brutal tactics eventually quell the rebellion. The revolutionaries
have been responsible for atrocities themselves. Around 40 “class-enemies” were murdered
in these two weeks, most of them priests trying to escape from raided Churches. Some 900 revolutionaries
and about 250 government forces were killed across Spain in these two weeks.
The uprising in Asturia and the rest of Spain has failed. But it will have some far-reaching
