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Inter-War Period (between WW 1 and II), Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (2)

Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (2)

Europe.

The Ustasa reject parliamentary democracy, espouse fundamentalist Roman Catholicism,

have extreme nationalism as their ideological bedrock, and foster cults of violence and

strong one-man leadership.

In contrast to other fascists, Pavelic has no interest in mass politics.

Instead, his movement is made up of a small and elite fighting force engaging in violent

terrorism.

An Ustasa insurgent, according to Pavelic, "must be severe and merciless, without mercy

and pardon, for his duty is to lessen the pain of the Croatian people with fire, iron

and blood, to crush with force the neck of the foreign parasite and so liberate his homeland."

With this in mind, training camps are set up in Hungary and Italy, two powers with territorial

claims against Yugoslavia, who also provide a great deal of funding to the burgeoning

group.

From these camps, acts of terror are planned and executed.

These primarily involve planting time bombs on trains to Yugoslavia to cause material

destruction, fear, and chaos.

In September 1932, a small uprising in the Lika region of Croatia is planned, with a

police station being raided by Ustaše.

It is, however, quickly crushed, but it unnerves Yugoslav authorities who are unsure how powerful

the movement is.

By 1934, the Ustase number 600 members, all are well trained and fanatically committed

to an independent Croatia.

Throughout all this unrest, resentment, and terrorist fermentation, Aleksandar has slowly

been retreating from public and domestic politics.

Ruling is increasingly left to the JRSD, renamed the Yugoslav National Party (JNS) in July

1933, whose ministers and loyal press largely manage to keep the King placated as he focuses

on foreign policy.

Local elections in October 1933 are once again profoundly undemocratic but this time also

exceptionally mishandled.

Government ministers make no effort to be subtle in the intimidation of voters and manipulation

of results.

The King takes the ministers assurances that the results demonstrate his nation is happy.

In the aftermath of the election, a British diplomat laments that the only person in the

Kingdom fooled by the election is the King himself.

And it does seem that both the King and his government fail to see any danger at this

point.

In the wake of the chaotic elections, the British Consul in Zagreb reports that "every

section of the population of Slovenia and Croatia cordially hates the Belgrade Government

and bitterly resents the failure of the Monarch to attempt to remedy the situation."

On a royal visit to Zagreb to celebrate his birthday on December 16, authorities foil

a Ustasa assassination plot.

The police only tell Aleksandar about this the following day.

He reacts pretty calmly and decides to stay in the city as planned until December 26.

As 1934 rolls around, Yugoslavia simply seems to be adrift.

Srskic resigns as prime minister in January and is replaced by Nikola Uzunovic who continues

the same policy of issuing the same unitarian slogans, the same unitarian policies, and

the same police repression that has been the order of the day since 1929.

But change seems to be in the air.

On advice from France, Aleksandar has softened government relations with the HSS.

Indeed just before embarking on a visit to France on a diplomatic mission, he tells a

confidant that upon his return "I will do everything that is necessary to form a Royal

government from all former political groups or parties, respectively, which have until

now been in opposition."

But he'll never be able to make this happen.

He arrives at the French port of Marseilles on October 9, 1934.

The King and the French Foreign Minister ride through streets flocked with onlookers and

cameras.

A gunman leaps forward shooting at the King and the Minister.

Aleksandar dies instantly, victim of one of the first assassinations captured

on film.

The attack is carried out by Vlado Chernozemski a member of the IMRO and an instructor at

an Ustasa camp in Hungary.

In fact, the assassination is a joint effort from the two anti-Yugoslav terrorist groups.

Chernozemski tries to flee the scene but is cut down by a police saber, shot in the head,

and then savagely beaten by the crowd.

Somehow he survives and is taken for interrogation.

He dies later that evening.

Three Ustasa members have traveled with Chernozemski to support his effort, are also unable to

escape, and are arrested.

Surprisingly, and despite governmental fears, ethnic violence does not flare up in reaction

to the Kings death.

In fact, Aleksandar's body first comes to Zagreb to lie in state and is visited by an

estimated 200,000 Croats.

Yugoslav flags fly at half-mast across the entire Kingdom.

His grand funeral takes place in Belgrade, and some nationalist firebrands are even released

from prison to attend proceedings.

One Slovene politician is quoted as saying that "everything else is forgotten" and that

"we ought to work and live for Yugoslavia."

Macek is also freed in December and similarly appeals for unity.

Foreign leaders also pay their respects.

Hermann Göring from Germany and Phillipe Petain from France solemnly attend the event.

But is is not over; instead, Aleksandar's death has put an end to any unification process.

The rest of the decade will see further stratification along ethnic lines, the continued influence

of fascist ideology, and growing public apathy.

In 1941, when the Nazi war machine turns to the East, Pavelic and the Ustasa will join

them, grow into an army and proceed to subjugate, oppress, incarcerate, and murder hundreds

of thousands of Serbs, Yugoslav Jewish, Roma, and Sinti men, women, and children.

If you haven't seen our first two installments on interwar Yugoslavia, then you can watch

them right here.

Our TimeGhost Army member this week is [!!!]. Thanks to people like [!!!] we are able to continue

making quality historical content such as this, so do the right thing and subscribe

to us on Patreon.

Subscribe, ring the bell and...

Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (2) 살인과 파시즘 - 우스타슈의 부상 | 2차 세계대전 1934년 3부 4편 - YouTube (2) Morderstwa i faszyzm - Powstanie Ustaše | MIĘDZY 2 WOJNAMI I 1934 Część 3 z 4 - YouTube (2) 谋杀与法西斯主义——乌斯塔沙的崛起|两次大战之间，1934 年，第 3 部分（共 4 部分） - YouTube (2) 謀殺與法西斯主義－烏斯塔沙的崛起|兩場大戰之間，1934 年，第 3 部分（共 4 部分） - YouTube (2)

Europe. Europe.

The Ustasa reject parliamentary democracy, espouse fundamentalist Roman Catholicism, ||||||基督教原教旨主义者|| Ustaše odbacuju parlamentarnu demokratiju, zagovaraju fundamentalističko rimokatoličanstvo,

have extreme nationalism as their ideological bedrock, and foster cults of violence and ||||||基础||培养|邪教||| imaju ekstremni nacionalizam kao svoje ideološko ležište i njeguju kultove nasilja i

strong one-man leadership. snažno vođstvo jednog čoveka.

In contrast to other fascists, Pavelic has no interest in mass politics. U suprotnosti sa ostalim fašistima, Pavelić nema interesa za masovnu politiku.

Instead, his movement is made up of a small and elite fighting force engaging in violent ||||compuesto por||||||||||| Umjesto toga, njegov pokret je sačinjen od male i elitne borbene jedinice uključene u nasilni

terrorism. terorizam.

An Ustasa insurgent, according to Pavelic, "must be severe and merciless, without mercy ||叛乱者||||||严厉|||| Ustaški pobunjenik, prema Paveliću, "mora biti oštar i nemilosrdan, bez milosti

and pardon, for his duty is to lessen the pain of the Croatian people with fire, iron |原谅||||||减轻||||||||| i izvinjenja, jer je njegova dužnost olakšati bol Hrvatskog naroda sa vatrom, čelikom

and blood, to crush with force the neck of the foreign parasite and so liberate his homeland." |||||||||||寄生虫||||| i krvi, da bi silom smrskao vrat stranom parazitu i tako oslobodio svoju domovinu ".

With this in mind, training camps are set up in Hungary and Italy, two powers with territorial Sa ovim u mislima, postavljeni su trening kampovi u Mađarskoj i Italiji, dvije sile sa teritorijalnim

claims against Yugoslavia, who also provide a great deal of funding to the burgeoning |||||||||||||蓬勃发展的 potraživanjima od Jugoslavije, koje također pružaju veliki dio finansija rastućoj

group. grupi.

From these camps, acts of terror are planned and executed. Iz ovih kampova, teroristički činovi su planirani i izvršeni.

These primarily involve planting time bombs on trains to Yugoslavia to cause material |||植||||||||| Oni prvenstveno uključuju postavljanje tempiranih bombi na vozove prema Jugoslaviji da uzrokuju materijalnu

destruction, fear, and chaos. štetu, strah i haos.

In September 1932, a small uprising in the Lika region of Croatia is planned, with a U sempembru 1932., planiran je mali ustanak u Ličkom kraju Hrvatske, sa

police station being raided by Ustaše. |||袭击|| Ustaškim prepadima na policijske stanice.

It is, however, quickly crushed, but it unnerves Yugoslav authorities who are unsure how powerful |||||||使不安||||||| On je, međutim, brzo ugušen, ali on uznemirava Jugoslavenske vlasti koje nisu sigurne koliko je moćan

the movement is. pokret.

By 1934, the Ustase number 600 members, all are well trained and fanatically committed ||||||||||狂热地| Do 1934., Ustaše broje 600 članova, svi su dobro utrenirani i fanatično odani

to an independent Croatia. nezavisnoj Hrvatskoj.

Throughout all this unrest, resentment, and terrorist fermentation, Aleksandar has slowly |||||||活动||| Tokom svih ovih nemira, gnjeva, i terorističkog vrenja, Aleksandar se polako

been retreating from public and domestic politics. |撤退||||| povlači iz javne i domaće politike.

Ruling is increasingly left to the JRSD, renamed the Yugoslav National Party (JNS) in July Upravljanje se sve više ostavalja JRSD-u, preimenovanoj u Jugoslavenska Nacionalna Stranka (JNS) u julu

1933, whose ministers and loyal press largely manage to keep the King placated as he focuses ||||媒体|||||||安抚||| 1933., čiji ministri i vjerna štampa uveliko uspijevaju održati kralja mirnim dok se on fokusira

on foreign policy. na spoljnju politiku.

Local elections in October 1933 are once again profoundly undemocratic but this time also |||||||深刻地||||| Lokalni izbori u oktobru 1933 su ponovo duboko nedemokratski ali ovaj put također

exceptionally mishandled. 异常地|处理不当 izuzetno loše upravljani.

Government ministers make no effort to be subtle in the intimidation of voters and manipulation |||||||微妙|||恐吓||||操控 Ministri vlade ne čine napor da budu suptilni u zastrašivanju birača i manipulacijama

of results. rezultata.

The King takes the ministers assurances that the results demonstrate his nation is happy. Kralj prihvata uvjeravanja ministara da rezultati pokazuju da je njegova nacija sretna.

In the aftermath of the election, a British diplomat laments that the only person in the |||||||||感叹|||||| Nakon izbora, britanski diplomata žali se da jedina osoba u

Kingdom fooled by the election is the King himself. Kraljevini koja je prevarena izborima sam kralj.

And it does seem that both the King and his government fail to see any danger at this A čini se da i kralj i njegova vlada ne vide nikakvu opasnost u ovom

point. trenutku.

In the wake of the chaotic elections, the British Consul in Zagreb reports that "every U jeku haotičnih izbora, britanski konzul u Zagrebu izvještava da je "svaki

section of the population of Slovenia and Croatia cordially hates the Belgrade Government ||||||||非常|||| dio društva Slovenije i Hrvatske srdačno mrzi beogradsku vladu

and bitterly resents the failure of the Monarch to attempt to remedy the situation." ||怨恨|||||||||改善|| i gorko negoduje neuspjehu kralja da ublaži situaciju.

On a royal visit to Zagreb to celebrate his birthday on December 16, authorities foil Prilikom kraljevske posjete Zagrebu da proslavi svij rođendan 16. decembra, vlasti otkrivaju

a Ustasa assassination plot. |||阴谋 ustaški plan atentata.

The police only tell Aleksandar about this the following day. Policija obavještava Aleksandra o ovome tek sljedećeg dana.

He reacts pretty calmly and decides to stay in the city as planned until December 26. On reaguje prilično mirno i odlučuje da ostane u gradu kao što je planirano do 26. decembra.

As 1934 rolls around, Yugoslavia simply seems to be adrift. ||||||||漂泊 Dok se 1934. odvija, čini se da je Jugoslavija jednostavno prepuštena slučaju.

Srskic resigns as prime minister in January and is replaced by Nikola Uzunovic who continues Srškić daje ostavku kao premijer u januaru i zamjenjen je Nikolom Uzunovićem koji nastavlja

the same policy of issuing the same unitarian slogans, the same unitarian policies, and istu politiku dajući iste unitarističke slogane, iste unitarističke politike, i

the same police repression that has been the order of the day since 1929. |||镇压||||||||| istu policijsku represiju koja je na dnevnom redu od 1929.

But change seems to be in the air. Ali čini se da je promjena u zraku.

On advice from France, Aleksandar has softened government relations with the HSS. Na savjet Francuske, Aleksandar je omekšao vladine odnose sa HSS-om.

Indeed just before embarking on a visit to France on a diplomatic mission, he tells a doista prije nego što je otputovao u posjetu Francuskoj na diplomatsku misij, on kaže

confidant that upon his return "I will do everything that is necessary to form a Royal 密友||||||||||||||| povjereniku da će prilikom povratka "uraditi sve što je potrebno da formira kraljevsku

government from all former political groups or parties, respectively, which have until ||||||||分别||| vladu od svih bivših političkih grupa ili stranaka, respektivno, koje su dosad

now been in opposition." bile u opoziciji."

But he'll never be able to make this happen. Ali on ovo neće nikad moći ostvariti.

He arrives at the French port of Marseilles on October 9, 1934. On stiže u francusku luku Marseille, 9. oktobra 1934.,

The King and the French Foreign Minister ride through streets flocked with onlookers and ||||||||||||旁观者| Kralj i francuski ministar vanjskih poslova voze se kroz ulice napučene gledaocima i

cameras. kamerama.

A gunman leaps forward shooting at the King and the Minister. |枪手||||||||| Napadač iskače naprijed pucajući na kralja i ministra.

Aleksandar dies instantly, victim of one of the first assassinations captured Aleksandar trenutno umire, žrtva jednog od prvih atentata zabilježenih

on film. na filmu.

The attack is carried out by Vlado Chernozemski a member of the IMRO and an instructor at |||||||||||||||教练| Napad je proveo Vlado Černozemski, član VMRO-a i instruktor u

an Ustasa camp in Hungary. ustaškom kampu u mađarskoj.

In fact, the assassination is a joint effort from the two anti-Yugoslav terrorist groups. Zapravo, atentat je udruženi poduhvat dvije antijugoslavenske terorističke grupe.

Chernozemski tries to flee the scene but is cut down by a police saber, shot in the head, |||||||||||||刀|||| Černozemski pokušava pobjeći sa scene ali je oboren policijskom sabljom, upucan u glavu,

and then savagely beaten by the crowd. ||残忍地|||| a zatim brutalno pretučen od strane rulje.

Somehow he survives and is taken for interrogation. |||||||审讯 Nekako preživljava i odveden je na ispitivanje.

He dies later that evening. On umire kasnije te večeri.

Three Ustasa members have traveled with Chernozemski to support his effort, are also unable to Tri ustaška člana su putovala sa Černozemskim da ga podrže, ali također nisu uspjeli

escape, and are arrested. pobjeći, i uhapšeni su.

Surprisingly, and despite governmental fears, ethnic violence does not flare up in reaction |||||||||爆发||| Iznenađujuće, i uprkos strahovima vlade, etničko nasilje ne eskalira u reakciji

to the Kings death. na kraljevu smrt.

In fact, Aleksandar's body first comes to Zagreb to lie in state and is visited by an Ustvari, Aleksandrovo tijelo prvo dolazi u Zagreb da leži u državi i posjećeno je od

estimated 200,000 Croats. približbo 200 000 Hrvata.

Yugoslav flags fly at half-mast across the entire Kingdom. Jugoslavenske zastave viore na pola koplja širom cijele Kraljevine.

His grand funeral takes place in Belgrade, and some nationalist firebrands are even released ||||||||||火brand||| Njegova velika sahrana održava se u Beogradu, a neki vatreni nacionalisti čak su i oslobođeni

from prison to attend proceedings. iz zatvora da prisustvuju povorci.

One Slovene politician is quoted as saying that "everything else is forgotten" and that ||||引用||||||||| Citiran je jedan slovenski političar koji kaže da "sve ostalo je zaboravljeno" i da

"we ought to work and live for Yugoslavia." "mi trebamo raditi i živjeti zajedno za Jugoslaviju."

Macek is also freed in December and similarly appeals for unity. |||被释放||||||| Maček je također oslobođen u decembru i slično moli za jedinstvo.

Foreign leaders also pay their respects. Strane vođe također odaju počast.

Hermann Göring from Germany and Phillipe Petain from France solemnly attend the event. |||||||||庄重地||| Hermann Göring iz Njemačke i Phillipe Petain iz Francuske svečano prisustvuju događaju.

But is is not over; instead, Aleksandar's death has put an end to any unification process. Ali to nije kraj; umjesto toga, Aleksandrova smrt je stavila kraj na bilo kakav proces ujedinjenja.

The rest of the decade will see further stratification along ethnic lines, the continued influence ||||||||分层|||||| U ostatku decenije doći će do raslojavanja po etničkim linijama, nastavljenom utjecaju

of fascist ideology, and growing public apathy. ||||||冷漠 fašističke ideologije, i rastuće javne apatije.

In 1941, when the Nazi war machine turns to the East, Pavelic and the Ustasa will join 1941., kada se nacistički ratni stroj okreće na istok, Pavelić i Ustaše će im se pridružiti,

them, grow into an army and proceed to subjugate, oppress, incarcerate, and murder hundreds ||||||||征服||监禁||| prerasti u vojsku i krenuti u pokoravanje, tlačenje, utamničivanje i ubijanje stotina

of thousands of Serbs, Yugoslav Jewish, Roma, and Sinti men, women, and children. |||塞尔维亚人|||||辛提|||| hiljada Srba, jugoslavenskih Jevreja, Roma i Sinti muškaraca, žena i djece.

If you haven't seen our first two installments on interwar Yugoslavia, then you can watch Ako niste pogledali naša prva dva nastavka o međuratnoj Jugoslaviji, onda ih možete pogledati

them right here. 它们|| upravo ovdje.

Our TimeGhost Army member this week is [!!!]. Thanks to people like [!!!] we are able to continue Naš član sedmice TimeGhost armije je __. Zahvaljujući ljudima poput __ mi smo u mogućnosti da nastavimo

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Subscribe, ring the bell and... Pretplatite se, pozvonite zvono i...