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Inter-War Period (between WW 1 and II), Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1)

Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1)

Without a regular supply of sodium chloride, the main component of salt, you will die.

See, when your blood sodium level falls below a certain amount, you will go into a stupor,

your muscles start twitching and spasming, you get seizures, and then you then slip into

a coma and die. Even just getting too little salt will make you very sick, so when the

British colonial masters have a state monopoly on salt extraction in India, they are restricting

one of the basic necessities of human life. In April 1930 this makes one man, a peaceful

lawyer and civil rights activist, decide to resist an entire empire by taking a long walk.

Welcome to Between-2-Wars, a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's

descent into the darkness of the Second World War. I'm Indy Neidell.

With spoils of World War One, awarded to Great Britain at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919,

the British Empire reaches its peak in size and population. For over a century it has

already been the largest, richest, and most powerful political entity that the world has

ever seen. It now spans a quarter of Earth's land mass, and the sovereign of the United

Kingdom is the head of state for 450 million people, 23% of the world's population, with

subjects on every populated landmass of the globe. The Empire is also armed to her teeth

with a professional army and the most powerful navy of all time - Britannia rules the waves,

and a huge chunk of the world.

But as the 1920s proceed this vast empire is now also a changing empire. In our 1920

episode on carving up the Middle East, we saw that Britain's colonies and territories

were still vital to its domestic economy while also becoming increasingly troublesome. As

the 1920's roll on, Britain is, however, able to hold onto its territories through

a mixture of concession and repression. Nevertheless, the ‘empire on which the sun never sets'

is maybe not yet declining, but it is undeniably changing.

It is one man in India who will embody the challenges Britannia now faces, he is Mohandas

Karamchand Gandhi, better known as Mahatma Gandhi.

Born to a poor family in India in 1869, he managed to study law in London with financial

support of an uncle. And then went to practice law in South Africa, where over a period of

21 years he established himself as a fervent activist for increased civil rights for the

indigenous population. In 1915, he is asked to return to India and join the movement for

increased independence as the President of the Indian National Congress, the political

party striving for a peaceful path to self-rule.

Now, India is a British colony which means that it has much less autonomy than the more

independent members of the Commonwealth, which are called Dominions. These are the territories

that have long had a large settler presence in them and where institutions and forms of

government have been set up along British lines.

These territories are Newfoundland, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and South Africa and

the idea is that, while they are largely autonomous, they all carry a strong sense of “Britannic

nationalism”, a form of imperial patriotism based on the idea of a “Commonwealth of

Nations”, and solidarity between kith and kin across the globe. Way back in 1858, William

Gladstone, later British Prime Minister, captured this idea when he declared that the aim of

colonization “was to reproduce the likeness of England…thereby contributing to the general

happiness of mankind.”

That is not quite the reality on the ground though. Many Canadian settlers are of French

descent, white South Africans are primarily Boers of Dutch heritage, famously once at

war with the English. The Irish who achieve Dominion status in 1922, also after years

of struggle and then war for independence, are hardly enthusiastic about ‘Britannia'.

Not to mention that in most places the settlers are a ruling minority dominating much larger

native populations with fewer rights or even none at all.

The situation in India is a bit different. Here the vast native population dwarfs that

of the British arrivals by a factor of many times, and is by force a part of the administration,

at least at the local level, which gives the indigenous population hope for more rights

by becoming a Dominion. In 1917, the ‘August Declaration' by secretary of state for India,

Edwin Montagu, promises progress towards ‘responsible government'. In 1918, Indian nationalists

get another sliver of hope when India is admitted to the Imperial Conference, a big step considering

that it was previously for White Dominions only.

In 1919, the Government of India Act introduces the idea of dual-rule, and gives Indian legislators

control over things such as agriculture, sanitation, and education. It's not quite democracy

yet though, as these legislators are chosen by an electorate of indigenous landowners

of a certain size, or about 10% of the adult male population and 1% of the adult female.

But that doesn't really matter though, because the process has already been derailed before

it gets going. In parallel to the reforms, British legislators in India extend wartime

security measures to preempt any revolutionary nationalist activity. Security forces can

then detain suspects for one year without trial. Instead of curbing unrest, riots immediately

flare up in response. The Army responds in force and this culminates at Amritsar, Punjab,

when on April 13, 1919 at a peaceful gathering in the square of Jallianwala Bagh, thousands

of unarmed Indians are shot at by troops under the command of Brigadier-General Reginald

Dyer. The shooting lasts for 10 minutes, from a distance of only about 100 yards. The official

death toll is 379, other sources cite as many as 1,600 killed.

The massacre alienates the moderate nationalists, and Gandhi breaks off all negotiations with

the British government, declaring it to be a ‘satanic regime'. He now launches a

non-cooperation campaign that gains a mass following. It is a program for self-sufficiency.

They boycott elections, British schools, British goods, and British courts, challenging the

Raj at every level. In September the Indian National Congress officially sanctions it

with the aim of bringing ‘swaraj' (self-rule) in one year.

But by January 1922 little progress has been made, so the National Congress calls for increased

civil disobedience, including the refusal to pay taxes. Things quickly turn violent,

and Gandhi is forced to call off the campaign already in February after rioters in the town

of Chauri Chaura set fire to a police station, killing 22 officers inside. Gandhi is jailed

soon after, his movement loses momentum, and by 1923 mainstream political opinion in India

has drifted back to an acceptance of moderate constitutional reform.

Meanwhile it is the Dominions that are demanding more autonomy, just when Britain has realized

how much it depends on its Empire.

The war had clearly shown the British government how essential these territories are, and it

is also clear that they will be needed again should another war happen. And it is not only

the need for military support which the Great War has driven home. Growing competition from

the much more modernized economies of countries such as the United States means Britain is

increasingly relying on imperial trade to aid its post-war recovery. There's a problem

though, you see economic nationalism in the Dominions, and their autonomous constitutional

systems means that Britain lacks the legal and political avenues to create an imperial

network of trade under its own control.

British officials realize that their only option is to encourage voluntary economic

cooperation, and The Empire Marketing Board is established in 1926. Tasked with “bringing

the empire alive”, the Board produces vibrant posters encouraging consumers in both British

and Dominion markets to buy Empire-produced goods. They have spiffy slogans like “Buy

Empire Everyday” or “From Christmas to Christmas May Empire Trade Increase” Radio

programs celebrate Empire and cover events such as imperial exhibitions and royal addresses

to colonial listeners.

So, the

war may have brought home how much Britain needs its Dominions, but it has also furthered

a sense of nationalism within the Dominions themselves.

By 1910, they had become self-governing in their domestic politics, with Ireland joining

the fold in 1922, and they are now all pushing for further independence. The trauma of the

war, and the slaughter on battlefields such as Passchendaele and Gallipoli, has made many

question how Britannic they want to be. As historian Jay Winter tells us, “the men

who returned from the field were less British than those who had gone off to fight. The

tie to Britain was still there, though palpably and permanently transformed.”

The Dominion governments now make it clear that they have no wish to become embroiled

in another unnecessary European war. During the Turkish War for independence, Churchill,

who at this point heads the colonial office, calls on Dominion military aid to protect

British post-Ottoman interests, but he is promptly rebuked and met with refusal by Canada's

Prime Minister. Continued appeals for Dominion contributions to imperial defense also repeatedly

fall on deaf ears.

It all comes to a head at the 1926 Imperial Conference, where a committee led by Lord

Balfour defines the constitutional status of the Dominions. They declare that the Dominions

are to be “autonomous Communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no

way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though

united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British

Commonwealth of Nations.” The wording is a delicate compromise between the needs of

the Empire and the desires of the Dominions, though the Dominions are now effectively sovereign

states and can be as independent as they want to be. When Britain declared war in 1914,

all of its empire was automatically involved, but in future Britain cannot fall back on

its Dominions by default should it find itself in another major conflict.

And it is this freedom and sovereignty that the people of the Indian subcontinent are

after too.

After the collapse of the first passive resistance campaign, the Indian National Congress is

more fragmented compared to the unity of 1919 and 1920. This is good for Britain who remain

reluctant to give greater autonomy to India. To begin with it would break some of the cultural

taboos surrounding what races are able and unable to rule themselves. But direct rule

over India is also necessary should any conflict in Asia break out. Its huge population provides

a vast pool of labor and military resources already present on the continent.

It is a massive market for Britain's industrial products and the receiver of huge injections

of investments and loans. Imperial leaders have long recognized this. In 1901, Viceroy

Curzon stated that “As long as we rule in India…we are the greatest power in the world.

If we lose it we shall drop straight away to a third rate power”. In 1930 Churchill

declares that “The loss of India…would be final and fatal to us…The British Empire

would pass at stroke out of life and into history”.

The British see the gradual constitutional movement as a good way to keep the independence

movement working on their terms. In February 1928, Sir John Allsebrook Simon, is sent

to India to set up a commission to review the Government of India Act of 1919 and investigate

further reform. The commission is pretty controversial; it has no Indian members, and both the Indian

National Congress and the Muslim League boycott its findings and organize mass protests against

it. Still, in August, a joint declaration of the Indian independence parties reaffirms

that India should hold Dominion status within the British Empire. They are given further

hope in October 1929 when the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, declares that Dominionhood is the intended

outcome. And yet, things seem to be again sliding out of British control.

The global economic recession is also hitting India, and another wave of nationalist violence

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Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1) |不列颠||||||||||||| Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - Das Britische Empire | ZWISCHEN 2 KRIEGEN I 1930 Teil 1 von 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - El Imperio Británico | ENTRE 2 GUERRAS I 1930 Parte 1 de 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - L'Empire britannique - ENTRE LES 2 GUERRES I 1930 Partie 1 de 1 - YouTube (1) ルール・ブリタニア、ブリタニアが塩を支配する - 大英帝国|BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 / 1 - YouTube (1) 브리타니아를 지배하라, 브리타니아가 소금을 지배하다 - 대영제국 | 2대 전쟁 1930년 중 1부 - YouTube (1) Valdžia Britanijoje, Britanija valdo druską - Britų imperija | TARP 2 KARŲ I 1930 m. 1 dalis iš 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - Imperium Brytyjskie | MIĘDZY 2 WOJNAMI I 1930 Część 1 z 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - O Império Britânico | ENTRE AS 2 GUERRAS I 1930 Parte 1 de 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - Britanya İmparatorluğu | 2 Savaş Arasında I 1930 Bölüm 1 / 1 - YouTube (1) Rule Britannia, Britannia Rules the Salt - The British Empire | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1930 Part 1 of 1 - YouTube (1) 统治不列颠尼亚,不列颠统治盐业-大英帝国|两次大战之间,1930 年,第 1 部分(共 1 部分) - YouTube (1) 統治不列顛尼亞,不列顛統治鹽業-大英帝國|兩場大戰之間,1930 年,第 1 部分(共 1 部分) - YouTube (1)

Without a regular supply of sodium chloride, the main component of salt, you will die. |||||钠|||||||||

See, when your blood sodium level falls below a certain amount, you will go into a stupor, |当|||||||||||||||昏迷

your muscles start twitching and spasming, you get seizures, and then you then slip into |||抽搐||痉挛|||癫痫||||||

a coma and die. Even just getting too little salt will make you very sick, so when the

British colonial masters have a state monopoly on salt extraction in India, they are restricting ||||||||盐||||||

one of the basic necessities of human life. In April 1930 this makes one man, a peaceful

lawyer and civil rights activist, decide to resist an entire empire by taking a long walk. |||||||resist||||||||

Welcome to Between-2-Wars, a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's

descent into the darkness of the Second World War. I'm Indy Neidell.

With spoils of World War One, awarded to Great Britain at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, |战利品|||||授予|||||||||

the British Empire reaches its peak in size and population. For over a century it has

already been the largest, richest, and most powerful political entity that the world has |||||||||entity||||

ever seen. It now spans a quarter of Earth's land mass, and the sovereign of the United |||||||||||||主权|||

Kingdom is the head of state for 450 million people, 23% of the world's population, with

subjects on every populated landmass of the globe. The Empire is also armed to her teeth ||||陆地|||||||||||

with a professional army and the most powerful navy of all time - Britannia rules the waves,

and a huge chunk of the world.

But as the 1920s proceed this vast empire is now also a changing empire. In our 1920 ||||||vast|||||||||

episode on carving up the Middle East, we saw that Britain's colonies and territories ||划分|||||||||||

were still vital to its domestic economy while also becoming increasingly troublesome. As

the 1920's roll on, Britain is, however, able to hold onto its territories through

a mixture of concession and repression. Nevertheless, the ‘empire on which the sun never sets' |||让步|||||||||||

is maybe not yet declining, but it is undeniably changing.

It is one man in India who will embody the challenges Britannia now faces, he is Mohandas ||||||||embody||||||||

Karamchand Gandhi, better known as Mahatma Gandhi.

Born to a poor family in India in 1869, he managed to study law in London with financial

support of an uncle. And then went to practice law in South Africa, where over a period of

21 years he established himself as a fervent activist for increased civil rights for the ||||||热情的|||||||

indigenous population. In 1915, he is asked to return to India and join the movement for 土著||||||||||||||

increased independence as the President of the Indian National Congress, the political

party striving for a peaceful path to self-rule.

Now, India is a British colony which means that it has much less autonomy than the more

independent members of the Commonwealth, which are called Dominions. These are the territories

that have long had a large settler presence in them and where institutions and forms of

government have been set up along British lines.

These territories are Newfoundland, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and South Africa and

the idea is that, while they are largely autonomous, they all carry a strong sense of “Britannic

nationalism”, a form of imperial patriotism based on the idea of a “Commonwealth of |一种||||爱国主义|||||||联邦|

Nations”, and solidarity between kith and kin across the globe. Way back in 1858, William ||团结||朋友|||||||||

Gladstone, later British Prime Minister, captured this idea when he declared that the aim of

colonization “was to reproduce the likeness of England…thereby contributing to the general |||||形象|||||||

happiness of mankind.”

That is not quite the reality on the ground though. Many Canadian settlers are of French

descent, white South Africans are primarily Boers of Dutch heritage, famously once at descent||||||||||||

war with the English. The Irish who achieve Dominion status in 1922, also after years

of struggle and then war for independence, are hardly enthusiastic about ‘Britannia'.

Not to mention that in most places the settlers are a ruling minority dominating much larger

native populations with fewer rights or even none at all.

The situation in India is a bit different. Here the vast native population dwarfs that |||||||||||||超过|

of the British arrivals by a factor of many times, and is by force a part of the administration,

at least at the local level, which gives the indigenous population hope for more rights |||||||||indigenous|||||

by becoming a Dominion. In 1917, the ‘August Declaration' by secretary of state for India, |||自治领||||||||||

Edwin Montagu, promises progress towards ‘responsible government'. In 1918, Indian nationalists

get another sliver of hope when India is admitted to the Imperial Conference, a big step considering

that it was previously for White Dominions only.

In 1919, the Government of India Act introduces the idea of dual-rule, and gives Indian legislators

control over things such as agriculture, sanitation, and education. It's not quite democracy ||||||卫生||||||

yet though, as these legislators are chosen by an electorate of indigenous landowners

of a certain size, or about 10% of the adult male population and 1% of the adult female.

But that doesn't really matter though, because the process has already been derailed before ||||||||||||脱轨|

it gets going. In parallel to the reforms, British legislators in India extend wartime ||||parallel|||||||||

security measures to preempt any revolutionary nationalist activity. Security forces can |||预防|||||||

then detain suspects for one year without trial. Instead of curbing unrest, riots immediately ||||||||||遏制||| |||||||trial|||curbing|unrest||

flare up in response. The Army responds in force and this culminates at Amritsar, Punjab, 升起|||||||||||在|||

when on April 13, 1919 at a peaceful gathering in the square of Jallianwala Bagh, thousands

of unarmed Indians are shot at by troops under the command of Brigadier-General Reginald

Dyer. The shooting lasts for 10 minutes, from a distance of only about 100 yards. The official

death toll is 379, other sources cite as many as 1,600 killed. 死亡|死亡人数||||||||

The massacre alienates the moderate nationalists, and Gandhi breaks off all negotiations with |屠杀|使疏远||||||中断||||

the British government, declaring it to be a ‘satanic regime'. He now launches a ||||||||撒旦的|||现在||

non-cooperation campaign that gains a mass following. It is a program for self-sufficiency.

They boycott elections, British schools, British goods, and British courts, challenging the |||||||和||||

Raj at every level. In September the Indian National Congress officially sanctions it

with the aim of bringing ‘swaraj' (self-rule) in one year.

But by January 1922 little progress has been made, so the National Congress calls for increased

civil disobedience, including the refusal to pay taxes. Things quickly turn violent, |不服从||||||||||

and Gandhi is forced to call off the campaign already in February after rioters in the town |||||||||||||暴徒|||

of Chauri Chaura set fire to a police station, killing 22 officers inside. Gandhi is jailed

soon after, his movement loses momentum, and by 1923 mainstream political opinion in India |||||动量|||||||

has drifted back to an acceptance of moderate constitutional reform.

Meanwhile it is the Dominions that are demanding more autonomy, just when Britain has realized in the meantime||||||||||||||

how much it depends on its Empire.

The war had clearly shown the British government how essential these territories are, and it

is also clear that they will be needed again should another war happen. And it is not only

the need for military support which the Great War has driven home. Growing competition from

the much more modernized economies of countries such as the United States means Britain is

increasingly relying on imperial trade to aid its post-war recovery. There's a problem

though, you see economic nationalism in the Dominions, and their autonomous constitutional

systems means that Britain lacks the legal and political avenues to create an imperial

network of trade under its own control.

British officials realize that their only option is to encourage voluntary economic

cooperation, and The Empire Marketing Board is established in 1926. Tasked with “bringing

the empire alive”, the Board produces vibrant posters encouraging consumers in both British

and Dominion markets to buy Empire-produced goods. They have spiffy slogans like “Buy ||||||||||时髦|||

Empire Everyday” or “From Christmas to Christmas May Empire Trade Increase” Radio

programs celebrate Empire and cover events such as imperial exhibitions and royal addresses

to colonial listeners.

So, the

war may have brought home how much Britain needs its Dominions, but it has also furthered

a sense of nationalism within the Dominions themselves.

By 1910, they had become self-governing in their domestic politics, with Ireland joining

the fold in 1922, and they are now all pushing for further independence. The trauma of the |||||||||||||创伤||

war, and the slaughter on battlefields such as Passchendaele and Gallipoli, has made many

question how Britannic they want to be. As historian Jay Winter tells us, “the men

who returned from the field were less British than those who had gone off to fight. The

tie to Britain was still there, though palpably and permanently transformed.” |||||||明显地|||

The Dominion governments now make it clear that they have no wish to become embroiled (这个)||||||||||||||卷入

in another unnecessary European war. During the Turkish War for independence, Churchill,

who at this point heads the colonial office, calls on Dominion military aid to protect

British post-Ottoman interests, but he is promptly rebuked and met with refusal by Canada's ||||||||斥责||||||

Prime Minister. Continued appeals for Dominion contributions to imperial defense also repeatedly

fall on deaf ears.

It all comes to a head at the 1926 Imperial Conference, where a committee led by Lord

Balfour defines the constitutional status of the Dominions. They declare that the Dominions

are to be “autonomous Communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no

way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though

united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British

Commonwealth of Nations.” The wording is a delicate compromise between the needs of ||||wording||||||||

the Empire and the desires of the Dominions, though the Dominions are now effectively sovereign

states and can be as independent as they want to be. When Britain declared war in 1914,

all of its empire was automatically involved, but in future Britain cannot fall back on

its Dominions by default should it find itself in another major conflict.

And it is this freedom and sovereignty that the people of the Indian subcontinent are |||||||||||||次大陆|

after too.

After the collapse of the first passive resistance campaign, the Indian National Congress is

more fragmented compared to the unity of 1919 and 1920. This is good for Britain who remain |分裂|||||||||||||

reluctant to give greater autonomy to India. To begin with it would break some of the cultural reluctant||||||||||||||||

taboos surrounding what races are able and unable to rule themselves. But direct rule

over India is also necessary should any conflict in Asia break out. Its huge population provides

a vast pool of labor and military resources already present on the continent.

It is a massive market for Britain's industrial products and the receiver of huge injections

of investments and loans. Imperial leaders have long recognized this. In 1901, Viceroy

Curzon stated that “As long as we rule in India…we are the greatest power in the world.

If we lose it we shall drop straight away to a third rate power”. In 1930 Churchill

declares that “The loss of India…would be final and fatal to us…The British Empire

would pass at stroke out of life and into history”. ||在||||||| |||stroke||||||

The British see the gradual constitutional movement as a good way to keep the independence

movement working on their terms. In February 1928, Sir John Allsebrook Simon, is sent

to India to set up a commission to review the Government of India Act of 1919 and investigate ||||||||||||||||invest

further reform. The commission is pretty controversial; it has no Indian members, and both the Indian

National Congress and the Muslim League boycott its findings and organize mass protests against

it. Still, in August, a joint declaration of the Indian independence parties reaffirms ||||||||||||重申

that India should hold Dominion status within the British Empire. They are given further

hope in October 1929 when the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, declares that Dominionhood is the intended

outcome. And yet, things seem to be again sliding out of British control. outcome||||||||||||

The global economic recession is also hitting India, and another wave of nationalist violence