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Inter-War Period (between WW 1 and II), The End of Polish Democracy - Pilsudski and the Sanacja Regime | BETWEEN 2 WARS | 1935 Part 2 of 4 - YouTube (1)

The End of Polish Democracy - Pilsudski and the Sanacja Regime | BETWEEN 2 WARS | 1935 Part 2 of 4 - YouTube (1)

Hitler will call it “a so-called state lacking every national, historical, historical, cultural

and moral foundation.” Molotov will call it “the monstrous bastard of the Peace of

Versailles”. Keynes will call it “an economic impossibility whose only industry is Jew-baiting”.

Others will call it “a farce” or “pathological” or “a historical failure”. The country

these people are all talking about is Poland. By 1935, it has slid into an authoritarian

regime that is looked down upon by almost all of the Great Powers. It is being squeezed

from both sides by powerful aggressors. But how did it get to this point and will it be

able to save itself?

Welcome to Between-2-Wars a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's

descent into the darkness of the Second World War. I'm Indy Neidell.

If you've been with us since 1921, you'll know that Józef Piłsudski worked to established

the cunningly named Second Polish Republic amid ethnic tension, revolution, and war.

Despite failing to achieve his ultimate goal of a modern-day Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,

as Chief of State he has crafted a Republic that has gained international recognition

and beaten back numerous enemies. Most impressively, he is responsible for the “Miracle at the

Vistula” against the Soviet army, and this is already rapidly gaining mythic status amongst

the Polish population.

But the shine of independence is quickly rubbing off as Poland finds itself burdened with some

pretty severe problems.

For starters, about one-third of this “Polish” nation-state aren't ethnic Poles. 14% are

Ukrainian, 4% are Belarusians, 2% German, 10% Jewish, and 1% a patchwork of smaller

ethnicities such as Russian, Czech, and Lithuanian. Even amongst the Poles themselves, things

are pretty divided. For over 100 years, the Polish lands had been partitioned by three

separate powers, meaning three different administrative systems, legal codes, and conventions. This

is compounded by economic imbalance. Commentators even talk of a Poland A, referring to the

more well-developed western half of the country, and Poland B, the eastern less-developed half.

The political scene of the Republic is dominated by the National Democracy, known as Endecja,

the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), and a group of populist parties representing the peasantry.

The Endecja, led by Roman Dmowski, are the most powerful party in the early-1920s and

are committed to conservative values, patriotism, Catholicism, and a deep-seated intolerance

towards both Jews and Germans. Dmowski himself has always been somewhat of a nemesis to Piłsudski,

whose ambitions of a federalized multi-ethnic commonwealth fly in the face of the Endecja's

‘Poland for the Poles'.

Piłsudski himself has in the past been associated with the PPS, but leaves after independence

to emphasize his role as a non-partisan head of state committed to the nation. The PPS

itself is somewhat of a broad array of groups, incorporating not only socialists, but also

patriotic military-men, liberal intellectuals, ethnic minorities, and anti-clericals. The

peasant movement is made up of three main parties and, as you might have guessed from

the name, draw support for the peasantry. Some have a more left-wing bent and others

a more right-wing one.

So the political life of the Republic is split across several axes. And Piłsudski soon becomes

disillusioned with it all.

He worked hard to forge this new nation-state but is now snubbed by the Sejm (the lower

house of parliament) when they pass the March constitution in 1921. This is thanks to Dmowski

and his Endecja, who ensure that Presidential powers are limited to pretty much ceremonial

duties. Piłsudski declines to run for such a neutered office and, in December 1922, Poland

votes to replace him with socialist-supported Gabriel Narutowicz, a close associate of Piłsudski.

But the Endecja, who themselves had emerged victorious in parliamentary elections the

previous months, roar their disapproval. They denounce Narutowicz as the “Jewish president”

and protest his presidency viciously. In just a matter of days, rhetoric becomes reality

as Narutowicz is shot dead in Warsaw by a painter belonging to the Endecja movement.

Disgusted at how quickly democracy has fallen into chaos, Piłsudski retreats from political

life.

And the next few years will only increase his disillusion.

The economy almost has to be built from scratch. Unrest is frequent in both rural and urban

areas as peasants and workers alike face tough times. Pre-war trading patterns have collapsed,

and hyperinflation is running amuck. Dealing with these problems would be formidable for

any government, but the Polish people find themselves particularly disappointed with

theirs. Proceedings in the Sejm often descended into tumultuous argument, abuse, and even

violence. Accusations of corruption run rampant on all sides and successive governments fail

without passing any significant legislation.

This is not to say the story of Poland's first years is one of failure. Considering

the enormous difficulties the nation inherited, Poland has made admirable progress. In 1924

a single currency, the Zloły, is introduced to replace the six that had previously been

in circulation. A central bank is also established, and politicians work to raise foreign loans.

This, along with increased taxes on the wealthy, gets Poland some badly needed cash for public

investment and some form of economic infrastructure is starting to emerge.

But Poland's fortunes do still look grim, and she has found herself in threatening diplomatic

waters. We already know that her eastern neighbor, Soviet Russia, has a pretty keen interest

in seeing her destroyed, or well, part of Soviet Russia. But her Western neighbor is

just as dangerous, if not more so.

To be honest, the Versailles settlement kind of made this inevitable. The conflict of over

Upper Silesia and the Polish corridor cutting eastern Prussia off from the rest of Germany

means that every German government in this period is committed to revising its post-war

borders. On top of this, the League of Nations-mandated Free City of Danzig causes continual tension.

Its German dominated Senate is deeply hostile to the Polish state and fiercely committed

to keeping the city tied to the German Reich. This is matched by the German population's

hostility to the Polish minority in the city. Danzig also symbolizes German grievances against

Poland and the Versailles decision in general, not just to Germany but to many in the west.

Now, Poland and France do sign an alliance in 1921, providing the former with some form

of assured security. But this means little without similar assurances from Britain, who

aren't really that interested in Eastern Europe. And imagine how the Poles feel in

1922 when their two greatest enemies, Russia and Germany, sign a treaty at Rapallo agreeing

to “co-operate in a spirit of mutual goodwill”. And then in 1925 when Germany first enters

a trade war with Poland and then also refuses to recognize the legitimacy of its eastern

borders during the Locarno negotiations. And then in April 1926 when what-is-now the Soviet

Union and Germany reaffirm good relations with the Treaty of Berlin.

From his retirement, Piłsudski has witnessed all this national insecurity, political strife,

and economic turbulence. Always considering himself as a man of destiny, he decides he

must act, and a significant number of his supporters agree.

By May 1926, the Polish Republic has seen 14 short-lived governments. The election of

the latest one, headed by Wincenty Witos of the peasant movement, sparks protests immediately.

On May 11th, demonstrators gather in Warsaw shouting "Long live Piłsudski! Down with

Witos!”.

Piłsudski sees his chance. The following day he marches with 2000 men to the centre

of Warsaw. His intention is a nonviolent show of force to prove that only he is capable

of saving the nation. But as a general rule governments don't really tend to appreciate

rebellious military officers marching towards them, even if they do so “nonviolently”.

They fight back and three days of violence unfolds. A coup has somehow taken place, some

also call it a civil war, and by the end close to 400 are dead and 1000 wounded. In the early

hours of May 15th, the government calls for a ceasefire and swiftly resigns. Piłsudski

becomes minister of military affairs but refuses the positions of either Prime Minister or

President, preferring instead to fill them with allies.

But what is Piłsudski working towards and how is he going to do it?

It's actually pretty tricky to tell. It's rare for him to make clear policy announcements

or ideological statements. Despite seizing power from an elected government through military

force, Piłsudski is no Mussolini, and he considers himself a democrat at heart. A suitable

phrase to describe his approach might be “guided democracy”. Now, depending on how cynical

or idealistic you are, you might either see this as nothing but a façade for autocracy

or an honest effort to ensure stability in a struggling country. I'll let you guys battle

it out in the comments.

Vagaries aside, there is no question that Piłsudski is fiercely committed to the task

of Sanacja. This means the ‘moral healing' of the nation where corruption is eliminated,

productive citizenship is revered, and the Polish state is elevated above all else. This

mainly takes the form of rooting out corruption and securing the cooperation of the army and

landed classes. Constitutional amendments are also passed to strengthen the executive

and weaken the Sejm. Government roles are filled with close alliues, mainly military

men imbued with a strong sense of order, virtue, and purpose.

Piłsudski wants to re-shape the entire political system. But he wishes to do so in an at least

semi-democratic way. This does little to calm the fears of Piłsudski's growing left-wing

opposition who group together in 1929 to form the Centrolew alliance. They assemble in June

1930 to draft their manifesto. It declares that Poland has come under the personal dictatorship

of Piłsudski, with elected governments only masking this. They proclaim their ultimate

goal to be the removal of Piłsudski from power and the reintroduction of genuine parliamentary

democracy. And any attempt at state terrorism will be met with psychical force. The reaction

comes some months later, but comes harshly. In September the leaders are rounded up and

confined to a military prison until after new elections have taken place. In October,

military officers armed with revolvers and drawn swords attend the opening of the session

of Sejm.

The conservative opposition have fared no better in all this. They too have faced undemocratic

maneuvering, and their primary vehicle for resistance is sliding into disarray. Dmowski

established the Camp of Great Poland, and it does boast relatively good membership numbers,

but its effectiveness is limited, and it is increasingly drifting into hysterical xenophobia

and racism. The fact that left-wing and right-wing opposition hate each other just as much as

they do the Sanacja regime means Piłsudski can steer a clear path between them both.

And so with the next elections in November 1930, the BBWR shoot to victory with 56% of

the vote. This is the Non-Party Block for Cooperation with the government, set up by

Pilsudski's allies in 1927.

They took none of the chances now that they did then when they took just a quarter of

the vote, arresting more opposition leaders and cancelling candidacies.

The following years see the Sanacja regime take on an even more authoritarian character.

In 1932, over 50 professors are dismissed from university positions for their opposition

sympathies. In 1933, the Camp of Great Poland is banned, and the leaders of the Centrolew

alliance face sentences of either imprisonment or exile. Things ramp up even more in 1934

when a detention camp for political dissidents is established in Bereza Kartuska. Conditions

are exceptionally harsh, and torture is common. The death count is officially pretty low,

but this is more to do with the authorities tactic of releasing prisoners who are at deaths

door.

While Piłsudski's domestic policy is becoming more and more openly authoritarian, he is

balancing his foreign one a bit more delicately.

Learn languages from TV shows, movies, news, articles and more! Try LingQ for FREE

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Hitler will call it “a so-called state lacking every national, historical, historical, cultural |||||所谓|所谓||缺乏|||||

and moral foundation.” Molotov will call it “the monstrous bastard of the Peace of |||||||||混蛋||||

Versailles”. Keynes will call it “an economic impossibility whose only industry is Jew-baiting”. |||||||||||||抨击犹太人

Others will call it “a farce” or “pathological” or “a historical failure”. The country |||||闹剧||病态|||||| Others will call it “a farce” or “pathological” or “a historical failure”. The country

these people are all talking about is Poland. By 1935, it has slid into an authoritarian |||||||||||滑入||| |||||||||||slid|||

regime that is looked down upon by almost all of the Great Powers. It is being squeezed |||看待|||||||||||||

from both sides by powerful aggressors. But how did it get to this point and will it be

able to save itself?

Welcome to Between-2-Wars a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's

descent into the darkness of the Second World War. I'm Indy Neidell.

If you've been with us since 1921, you'll know that Józef Piłsudski worked to established

the cunningly named Second Polish Republic amid ethnic tension, revolution, and war. |狡猾地|||||在|民族||||

Despite failing to achieve his ultimate goal of a modern-day Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,

as Chief of State he has crafted a Republic that has gained international recognition ||||||创造|||||||

and beaten back numerous enemies. Most impressively, he is responsible for the “Miracle at the

Vistula” against the Soviet army, and this is already rapidly gaining mythic status amongst |||||||||||神话般的||

the Polish population.

But the shine of independence is quickly rubbing off as Poland finds itself burdened with some |||||||褪去||||||||

pretty severe problems. |severe|

For starters, about one-third of this “Polish” nation-state aren't ethnic Poles. 14% are

Ukrainian, 4% are Belarusians, 2% German, 10% Jewish, and 1% a patchwork of smaller |||||||拼凑|| |||||||patchwork||

ethnicities such as Russian, Czech, and Lithuanian. Even amongst the Poles themselves, things

are pretty divided. For over 100 years, the Polish lands had been partitioned by three |||||||||||分割||

separate powers, meaning three different administrative systems, legal codes, and conventions. This |||||||法律|||惯例|

is compounded by economic imbalance. Commentators even talk of a Poland A, referring to the |||||评论员|||||||||

more well-developed western half of the country, and Poland B, the eastern less-developed half.

The political scene of the Republic is dominated by the National Democracy, known as Endecja, ||||||||||||||恩德杰

the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), and a group of populist parties representing the peasantry.

The Endecja, led by Roman Dmowski, are the most powerful party in the early-1920s and

are committed to conservative values, patriotism, Catholicism, and a deep-seated intolerance |||||||||根深蒂固|根深蒂固的|偏执

towards both Jews and Germans. Dmowski himself has always been somewhat of a nemesis to Piłsudski, ||||||||||somewhat|||||

whose ambitions of a federalized multi-ethnic commonwealth fly in the face of the Endecja's

‘Poland for the Poles'. 波兰|||

Piłsudski himself has in the past been associated with the PPS, but leaves after independence

to emphasize his role as a non-partisan head of state committed to the nation. The PPS ||||||非||||||||||

itself is somewhat of a broad array of groups, incorporating not only socialists, but also |||||广泛|||||||||

patriotic military-men, liberal intellectuals, ethnic minorities, and anti-clericals. The |||自由的||少数民族||||反教权者|这

peasant movement is made up of three main parties and, as you might have guessed from

the name, draw support for the peasantry. Some have a more left-wing bent and others

a more right-wing one.

So the political life of the Republic is split across several axes. And Piłsudski soon becomes |||||||||||轴线||||

disillusioned with it all. 对这一切感到失望|||

He worked hard to forge this new nation-state but is now snubbed by the Sejm (the lower |||||||||||||||议会||

house of parliament) when they pass the March constitution in 1921. This is thanks to Dmowski

and his Endecja, who ensure that Presidential powers are limited to pretty much ceremonial |||||||||||||仪式性的

duties. Piłsudski declines to run for such a neutered office and, in December 1922, Poland ||declines|||||||||||

votes to replace him with socialist-supported Gabriel Narutowicz, a close associate of Piłsudski.

But the Endecja, who themselves had emerged victorious in parliamentary elections the

previous months, roar their disapproval. They denounce Narutowicz as the “Jewish president”

and protest his presidency viciously. In just a matter of days, rhetoric becomes reality ||||恶毒地|||||||||

as Narutowicz is shot dead in Warsaw by a painter belonging to the Endecja movement.

Disgusted at how quickly democracy has fallen into chaos, Piłsudski retreats from political ||||||||||撤退||

life.

And the next few years will only increase his disillusion. |||||||||失望

The economy almost has to be built from scratch. Unrest is frequent in both rural and urban |经济|||||||零起点|||||||| ||||||||scratch||||||||

areas as peasants and workers alike face tough times. Pre-war trading patterns have collapsed,

and hyperinflation is running amuck. Dealing with these problems would be formidable for ||||失控|||||||艰巨|

any government, but the Polish people find themselves particularly disappointed with |政府|||||||||

theirs. Proceedings in the Sejm often descended into tumultuous argument, abuse, and even

violence. Accusations of corruption run rampant on all sides and successive governments fail |||腐败||猖獗|||||||

without passing any significant legislation.

This is not to say the story of Poland's first years is one of failure. Considering

the enormous difficulties the nation inherited, Poland has made admirable progress. In 1924 |||||继承||||令人钦佩的||

a single currency, the Zloły, is introduced to replace the six that had previously been ||||兹罗提||||||||||

in circulation. A central bank is also established, and politicians work to raise foreign loans.

This, along with increased taxes on the wealthy, gets Poland some badly needed cash for public

investment and some form of economic infrastructure is starting to emerge.

But Poland's fortunes do still look grim, and she has found herself in threatening diplomatic ||||||严峻||||||||

waters. We already know that her eastern neighbor, Soviet Russia, has a pretty keen interest |||||||||||||keen|

in seeing her destroyed, or well, part of Soviet Russia. But her Western neighbor is

just as dangerous, if not more so.

To be honest, the Versailles settlement kind of made this inevitable. The conflict of over ||||||||||inevitable||||

Upper Silesia and the Polish corridor cutting eastern Prussia off from the rest of Germany

means that every German government in this period is committed to revising its post-war

borders. On top of this, the League of Nations-mandated Free City of Danzig causes continual tension. |||||||||授权的||||||持续的|

Its German dominated Senate is deeply hostile to the Polish state and fiercely committed |||参议院|||||||||| ||||||hostile||||||fiercely|

to keeping the city tied to the German Reich. This is matched by the German population's ||||tied|||||||||||

hostility to the Polish minority in the city. Danzig also symbolizes German grievances against ||||||||||象征|||

Poland and the Versailles decision in general, not just to Germany but to many in the west.

Now, Poland and France do sign an alliance in 1921, providing the former with some form

of assured security. But this means little without similar assurances from Britain, who

aren't really that interested in Eastern Europe. And imagine how the Poles feel in

1922 when their two greatest enemies, Russia and Germany, sign a treaty at Rapallo agreeing

to “co-operate in a spirit of mutual goodwill”. And then in 1925 when Germany first enters

a trade war with Poland and then also refuses to recognize the legitimacy of its eastern

borders during the Locarno negotiations. And then in April 1926 when what-is-now the Soviet

Union and Germany reaffirm good relations with the Treaty of Berlin. |||重申||||||| |||reaffirm|||||||

From his retirement, Piłsudski has witnessed all this national insecurity, political strife, |||||witnessed||||||

and economic turbulence. Always considering himself as a man of destiny, he decides he

must act, and a significant number of his supporters agree.

By May 1926, the Polish Republic has seen 14 short-lived governments. The election of |||||||短暂|||||

the latest one, headed by Wincenty Witos of the peasant movement, sparks protests immediately. |||||||||||引发|| |||||||||||sparks||

On May 11th, demonstrators gather in Warsaw shouting "Long live Piłsudski! Down with

Witos!”.

Piłsudski sees his chance. The following day he marches with 2000 men to the centre

of Warsaw. His intention is a nonviolent show of force to prove that only he is capable

of saving the nation. But as a general rule governments don't really tend to appreciate

rebellious military officers marching towards them, even if they do so “nonviolently”.

They fight back and three days of violence unfolds. A coup has somehow taken place, some

also call it a civil war, and by the end close to 400 are dead and 1000 wounded. In the early

hours of May 15th, the government calls for a ceasefire and swiftly resigns. Piłsudski |||||||||||迅速|| |||||||||ceasefire||||

becomes minister of military affairs but refuses the positions of either Prime Minister or

President, preferring instead to fill them with allies.

But what is Piłsudski working towards and how is he going to do it?

It's actually pretty tricky to tell. It's rare for him to make clear policy announcements

or ideological statements. Despite seizing power from an elected government through military ||||seizing|||||||

force, Piłsudski is no Mussolini, and he considers himself a democrat at heart. A suitable

phrase to describe his approach might be “guided democracy”. Now, depending on how cynical |||||||||||||愤世嫉俗

or idealistic you are, you might either see this as nothing but a façade for autocracy |理想主义||||||||||||表面||

or an honest effort to ensure stability in a struggling country. I'll let you guys battle

it out in the comments.

Vagaries aside, there is no question that Piłsudski is fiercely committed to the task 变幻|撇开|||||||||||| vagaries|||||||||fiercely||||

of Sanacja. This means the ‘moral healing' of the nation where corruption is eliminated, |||||道德||||||||

productive citizenship is revered, and the Polish state is elevated above all else. This 有生产力的|||受尊敬|||||||||| |||revered||||||||||

mainly takes the form of rooting out corruption and securing the cooperation of the army and

landed classes. Constitutional amendments are also passed to strengthen the executive

and weaken the Sejm. Government roles are filled with close alliues, mainly military ||||||||||盟友||

men imbued with a strong sense of order, virtue, and purpose.

Piłsudski wants to re-shape the entire political system. But he wishes to do so in an at least

semi-democratic way. This does little to calm the fears of Piłsudski's growing left-wing

opposition who group together in 1929 to form the Centrolew alliance. They assemble in June

1930 to draft their manifesto. It declares that Poland has come under the personal dictatorship |||宣言||||||||||

of Piłsudski, with elected governments only masking this. They proclaim their ultimate

goal to be the removal of Piłsudski from power and the reintroduction of genuine parliamentary

democracy. And any attempt at state terrorism will be met with psychical force. The reaction

comes some months later, but comes harshly. In September the leaders are rounded up and

confined to a military prison until after new elections have taken place. In October,

military officers armed with revolvers and drawn swords attend the opening of the session

of Sejm.

The conservative opposition have fared no better in all this. They too have faced undemocratic ||||表现||||||||||

maneuvering, and their primary vehicle for resistance is sliding into disarray. Dmowski ||||||||||混乱|

established the Camp of Great Poland, and it does boast relatively good membership numbers,

but its effectiveness is limited, and it is increasingly drifting into hysterical xenophobia |||||||||滑向||歇斯底里|

and racism. The fact that left-wing and right-wing opposition hate each other just as much as

they do the Sanacja regime means Piłsudski can steer a clear path between them both.

And so with the next elections in November 1930, the BBWR shoot to victory with 56% of

the vote. This is the Non-Party Block for Cooperation with the government, set up by

Pilsudski's allies in 1927.

They took none of the chances now that they did then when they took just a quarter of

the vote, arresting more opposition leaders and cancelling candidacies.

The following years see the Sanacja regime take on an even more authoritarian character. ||年|||||||||||

In 1932, over 50 professors are dismissed from university positions for their opposition

sympathies. In 1933, the Camp of Great Poland is banned, and the leaders of the Centrolew ||||||||||||||中左翼

alliance face sentences of either imprisonment or exile. Things ramp up even more in 1934 |||||监禁||||||||

when a detention camp for political dissidents is established in Bereza Kartuska. Conditions

are exceptionally harsh, and torture is common. The death count is officially pretty low, ||harsh|||||||||||

but this is more to do with the authorities tactic of releasing prisoners who are at deaths

door.

While Piłsudski's domestic policy is becoming more and more openly authoritarian, he is

balancing his foreign one a bit more delicately. |||||||精细地