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1984 by George Orwell, Part two, Chapter 9 (5)

Part two, Chapter 9 (5)

This doctrine, of course, had always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it was now put forward there was a significant change. In the past the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doctrine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings and aristocrats and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who were parasitical upon them, and it had generally been softened by promises of compensation in an imaginary world beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom, justice, and fraternity. Now, however, the concept of human brotherhood began to be assailed by people who were not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutions under the banner of equality, and then had established a fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny beforehand. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity, was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But in each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim of perpetuating UNfreedom and INequality. These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology. But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the High would be able to maintain their position permanently.

The new doctrines arose partly because of the accumulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nineteenth century. The cyclical movement of history was now intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible, then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying cause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, human equality had become technically possible. It was still true that men were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some individuals against others; but there was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth. In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevitable but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization. With the development of machine production, however, the case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live at different social or economic levels. Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be averted. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it. The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and without brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold even on the groups who actually profited by each historical change. The heirs of the French, English, and American revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to some extent. But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradise had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable. Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. And in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some cases for hundreds of years — imprisonment without trial, the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture to extract confessions, the use of hostages, and the deportation of whole populations — not only became common again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who considered themselves enlightened and progressive.

It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars, revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos had long been obvious. What kind of people would control this world had been equally obvious. The new aristocracy was made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians. These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopoly industry and centralized government. As compared with their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avaricious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of what they were doing and more intent on crushing opposition. This last difference was cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, all the tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The ruling groups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking. Even the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance. The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the process further. With the development of television, and the technical advance which made it possible to receive and transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for twenty-four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.

After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard its position. It had long been realized that the only secure basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The so-called ‘abolition of private property' which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of property in far fewer hands than before: but with this difference, that the new owners were a group instead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings. Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, because it controls everything, and disposes of the products as it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was able to step into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the whole process was represented as an act of collectivization. It had always been assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow: and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated. Factories, mines, land, houses, transport — everything had been taken away from them: and since these things were no longer private property, it followed that they must be public property. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier Socialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality has been made permanent.

But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical society go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered from without, or it governs so inefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do not operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself.

Given this background, one could infer, if one did not know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. At the apex of the pyramid comes Big Brother. Big Brother is infallible and all- powerful. Every success, every achievement, every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen Big Brother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the telescreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he was born. Big Brother is the guise in which the Party chooses to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party. Its numbers limited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of the population of Oceania.

Part two, Chapter 9 (5) Zweiter Teil, Kapitel 9 (5)

This doctrine, of course, had always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it was now put forward there was a significant change. Ця доктрина, звичайно, завжди мала своїх прихильників, але в тому, як вона була висунута зараз, відбулася значна зміна. In the past the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doctrine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings and aristocrats and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who were parasitical upon them, and it had generally been softened by promises of compensation in an imaginary world beyond the grave. |||проповідувалося||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||уявній|||| Było to głoszone przez królów i arystokratów oraz przez kapłanów, prawników i im podobnych, którzy byli na nich pasożytami, a ogólnie rzecz biorąc, było to łagodzone obietnicami wynagrodzenia w wyimaginowanym świecie po drugiej stronie grobu. The Middle, so long as it was struggling for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom, justice, and fraternity. ||так|||||||||||||||||||братство Średnia klasa, dopóki walczyła o władzę, zawsze posługiwała się takimi pojęciami jak wolność, sprawiedliwość i braterstwo. Now, however, the concept of human brotherhood began to be assailed by people who were not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so before long. ||||||||||||||||||stanowiskach|||||||||| ||||||||||піддаватися атаці|||||||||||||||||| Ahora, sin embargo, el concepto de hermandad humana comenzó a ser atacado por personas que aún no estaban en puestos de mando, pero que simplemente esperaban estarlo en poco tiempo. Teraz jednak pojęcie ludzkiego braterstwa zaczęło być atakowane przez ludzi, którzy jeszcze nie znajdowali się w pozycjach dowodzenia, a jedynie mieli nadzieję, że wkrótce takimi będą. Однак тепер концепція людського братерства стала піддаватися нападкам з боку людей, які ще не обіймали керівні посади, а лише сподівалися незабаром ними стати. In the past the Middle had made revolutions under the banner of equality, and then had established a fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny beforehand. Нові середні групи фактично проголосили свою тиранію заздалегідь. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity, was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||Утопізм||| El socialismo, una teoría que apareció a principios del siglo XIX y fue el último eslabón de una cadena de pensamiento que se remonta a las rebeliones de esclavos de la antigüedad, todavía estaba profundamente infectado por el utopismo de épocas pasadas. But in each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. Але в кожному варіанті соціалізму, який з’явився приблизно з 1900 року, мета встановлення свободи та рівності дедалі відкритіше відмовлялася. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim of perpetuating UNfreedom and INequality. ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||niewolność|| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||увічнення|незвільнення|| Нові рухи, що з’явилися в середині століття, Англійський соціум в Океанії, необільшовизм в Євразії, поклоніння смерті, як його зазвичай називають, у Істазії, мали свідому мету увічнити несвободу та нерівність. These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology. ||||||||||||||||||платити||||| Estos nuevos movimientos, por supuesto, surgieron de los antiguos y tendieron a mantener sus nombres y hablar de labios para afuera de su ideología. Ці нові рухи, звичайно, виросли зі старих і, як правило, зберігали свої назви та на словах сповідували свою ідеологію. But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum swing was to happen once more, and then stop. ||маятник||||||||| La oscilación familiar del péndulo iba a ocurrir una vez más y luego se detendría. Знайоме коливання маятника мало відбутися ще раз, а потім припинитися. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the High would be able to maintain their position permanently. |||||||викинуті|||||||||||||||||||||||||| Як завжди, Вищий мав бути вигнаний Середнім, який потім став Вищим; але цього разу, завдяки свідомій стратегії, Верховні зможуть назавжди зберегти свої позиції.

The new doctrines arose partly because of the accumulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nineteenth century. |||powstały||||||||||||||||||||||| Нові доктрини виникли частково через накопичення історичних знань і зростання історичного чуття, яке майже не існувало до дев'ятнадцятого століття. The cyclical movement of history was now intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible, then it was alterable. |||||||||||||||||zrozumiała|||| Cykliczny ruch historii był teraz zrozumiały, albo przynajmniej wydawał się taki; a jeśli był zrozumiały, to mógł być zmienny. Циклічний рух історії тепер став зрозумілим або здавався таким; і якщо воно було зрозумілим, то його можна було змінити. But the principal, underlying cause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, human equality had become technically possible. Ale główną, podstawową przyczyną było to, że już na początku XX wieku ludzka równość stała się technicznie możliwa. Але головною, глибинною причиною було те, що ще на початку двадцятого століття людська рівність стала технічно можливою. It was still true that men were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some individuals against others; but there was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth. ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||różnice|| Nadal było prawdą, że ludzie nie byli równi w swoich wrodzonych talentach i że funkcje musiały być specjalizowane w sposób, który faworyzował niektóre jednostki kosztem innych; ale nie było już prawdziwej potrzeby dla różnic klasowych czy dużych różnic w majątku. In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevitable but desirable. En épocas anteriores, las distinciones de clases no solo habían sido inevitables sino deseables. У попередні часи класові відмінності були не тільки неминучими, але й бажаними. Inequality was the price of civilization. La desigualdad fue el precio de la civilización. With the development of machine production, however, the case was altered. Sin embargo, con el desarrollo de la producción de máquinas, el caso se modificó. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live at different social or economic levels. Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be averted. |||||||||||||||||||||||||||прагнули||||||| Por tanto, desde el punto de vista de los nuevos grupos que estaban a punto de tomar el poder, la igualdad humana ya no era un ideal por perseguir, sino un peligro que había que evitar. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it. En épocas más primitivas, cuando de hecho no era posible una sociedad justa y pacífica, había sido bastante fácil creerlo. У більш примітивні часи, коли справедливе і мирне суспільство було фактично неможливим, у це було досить легко повірити. The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and without brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold even on the groups who actually profited by each historical change. ||||||||||||||прибуткували|||| Y esta visión había tenido un cierto arraigo incluso en los grupos que realmente se beneficiaron de cada cambio histórico. І це бачення мало вплив навіть на групи, які фактично отримували прибуток від кожної історичної зміни. The heirs of the French, English, and American revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to some extent. Los herederos de las revoluciones francesa, inglesa y estadounidense habían creído en parte en sus propias frases sobre los derechos del hombre, la libertad de expresión, la igualdad ante la ley y cosas por el estilo, e incluso han permitido que algunos influyan en su conducta. grado. But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of political thought were authoritarian. Але до четвертого десятиліття ХХ століття всі основні течії політичної думки були авторитарними. The earthly paradise had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable. |||||||||||||реалізованим |||||||||||||możliwe do z Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. |||||||||||||||регламентацію |||||||||||||||reglamentacja Toda nueva teoría política, con el nombre que se llame, devuelve a la jerarquía y la reglamentación. And in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some cases for hundreds of years — imprisonment without trial, the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture to extract confessions, the use of hostages, and the deportation of whole populations — not only became common again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who considered themselves enlightened and progressive. ||||загального загартування|||||||||||||||||||||ув'язнення|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| І в умовах загального загартування світогляду, яке відбулося приблизно в 1930 році, практики, від яких давно відмовилися, у деяких випадках протягом сотень років, — ув’язнення без суду, використання військовополонених як рабів, публічні страти, тортури для отримання зізнань, використання заручників і депортація цілого населення — не тільки знову стали звичним явищем, але й терпіли та навіть захищали люди, які вважали себе освіченими та прогресивними.

It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars, revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. ||||||||||||||||||||||Інгсоц|||||||||| Solo después de una década de guerras nacionales, guerras civiles, revoluciones y contrarrevoluciones en todas partes del mundo, el Ingsoc y sus rivales emergieron como teorías políticas plenamente desarrolladas. Dopiero po dziesięcioleciu wojen narodowych, wojen domowych, rewolucji i kontrrewolucji w różnych częściach świata, Ingsoc i jego rywale pojawili się jako w pełni opracowane teorie polityczne. But they had been foreshadowed by the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos had long been obvious. ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||chaosie|||| ||||предвіщені|||||||||||||||||||||||буде||||||||| Pero habían sido presagiados por los diversos sistemas, generalmente llamados totalitarios, que habían aparecido a principios de siglo, y los principales contornos del mundo que emergerían del caos imperante habían sido obvios durante mucho tiempo. Jednakże były one zapowiedziane przez różne systemy, zazwyczaj nazywane totalitarnymi, które pojawiły się wcześniej w wieku, a główne zarysy świata, który wyłoni się z panującego chaosu, od dawna były oczywiste. Але їх передвіщали різноманітні системи, які загалом називають тоталітарними, які з’явилися на початку століття, і основні контури світу, який виникне з панівного хаосу, були очевидними вже давно. What kind of people would control this world had been equally obvious. Qué tipo de gente controlaría este mundo había sido igualmente obvio. Jakiego rodzaju ludzie będą kontrolować ten świat, również było oczywiste. The new aristocracy was made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians. |||||||||||бюрократів||||||||||||| Nowa arystokracja składała się przede wszystkim z biurokratów, naukowców, techników, organizatorów związków zawodowych, ekspertów ds. reklamy, socjologów, nauczycieli, dziennikarzy i zawodowych polityków. These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopoly industry and centralized government. |||||||salaried|||||||||||||||||||||||||| |||||||заробітної|||||||||||||||||||||||||| |||||||zatrudnion|||||||||||||||||||||||||| Estas personas, cuyos orígenes se encuentran en la clase media asalariada y los grados superiores de la clase trabajadora, habían sido moldeadas y unidas por el mundo árido de la industria monopolista y el gobierno centralizado. Ці люди, чиє походження полягало в найманому середньому класі та вищих верствах робітничого класу, були сформовані та об’єднані безплідним світом монопольної промисловості та централізованого уряду. As compared with their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avaricious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of what they were doing and more intent on crushing opposition. ||||||||||||chciwi|||||||||||||||||||||||| En comparación con sus homólogos de épocas pasadas, eran menos avariciosos, menos tentados por el lujo, más hambrientos de poder puro y, sobre todo, más conscientes de lo que estaban haciendo y más decididos a aplastar a la oposición. W porównaniu z ich odpowiednikami z minionych epok, byli mniej chciwi, mniej kuszeni luksusem, bardziej głodni czystej władzy, a przede wszystkim bardziej świadomi tego, co robią i bardziej zdeterminowani, by stłumić opozycję. This last difference was cardinal. Esta última diferencia fue cardinal. Ta ostatnia różnica była kluczowa. By comparison with that existing today, all the tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. ||||||||||||||połowiczne|| En comparación con la que existe hoy, todas las tiranías del pasado fueron poco entusiastas e ineficaces. W porównaniu z tym, co istnieje dzisiaj, wszystkie tyranie przeszłości były półsercowe i nieskuteczne. У порівнянні з тим, що існує сьогодні, усі тиранії минулого були половинчастими та неефективними. The ruling groups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking. ||||||до|якомусь||||||||||||||||||||||нецікавитися|||||| Los grupos dominantes siempre estuvieron infectados hasta cierto punto por las ideas liberales y se contentaron con dejar cabos sueltos en todas partes, solo considerar el acto manifiesto y no estar interesados en lo que pensaban sus súbditos. Rządzące grupy zawsze były w pewnym stopniu zakażone liberalnymi ideami i były zadowolone, pozostawiając luźne końce wszędzie, odnosząc się tylko do jawnego czynu i nie interesując się tym, co myślą ich poddani. Even the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. ||katolicka|||||||||| Nawet Kościół katolicki w średniowieczu był tolerancyjny według współczesnych standardów. Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance. The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the process further. Sin embargo, la invención de la imprenta facilitó la manipulación de la opinión pública, y la película y la radio llevaron el proceso más allá. Однак винахід друку полегшив маніпулювання громадською думкою, а кіно та радіо продовжили цей процес. With the development of television, and the technical advance which made it possible to receive and transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private life came to an end. Con el desarrollo de la televisión y el avance técnico que permitió recibir y transmitir simultáneamente en un mismo instrumento, la vida privada llegó a su fin. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for twenty-four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.

After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. Після революційного періоду п'ятдесятих і шістдесятих років суспільство, як завжди, перегрупувалося на Високе, Середнє та Низьке. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard its position. ||||||||попередників||||||||||||захистити|| It had long been realized that the only secure basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Hace tiempo que se sabía que la única base segura para la oligarquía es el colectivismo. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. La riqueza y los privilegios se defienden más fácilmente cuando se poseen conjuntamente. The so-called ‘abolition of private property' which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of property in far fewer hands than before: but with this difference, that the new owners were a group instead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings. |жоден|||||||||| Individualmente, ningún miembro del Partido posee nada, excepto pequeñas pertenencias personales. Особисто жоден член Партії не володіє нічим, крім дрібних особистих речей. Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, because it controls everything, and disposes of the products as it thinks fit. Colectivamente, el Partido es dueño de todo en Oceanía, porque lo controla todo y dispone de los productos como mejor le parezca. In the years following the Revolution it was able to step into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the whole process was represented as an act of collectivization. ||||||||||||||||безперешкодно||||||||||| ||||||||||||||||bez oporu||||||||||| It had always been assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow: and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated. |||||||||||||||||||||wywłaszcz |||||||||||експропрійовані|||||||||| Siempre se había asumido que si la clase capitalista era expropiada, el socialismo debía seguir: y sin duda alguna, los capitalistas habían sido expropiados. Завжди вважалося, що якщо капіталістичний клас буде експропрійований, то соціалізм повинен наступити: і, безперечно, капіталісти були експропрійовані. Factories, mines, land, houses, transport — everything had been taken away from them: and since these things were no longer private property, it followed that they must be public property. Fábricas, minas, tierras, casas, transporte: se les había quitado todo: y como estas cosas ya no eran propiedad privada, se deducía que debían ser propiedad pública. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier Socialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality has been made permanent. ||||||||||||frazeologia|||||||||||||||||||||||||| Ingsoc, que surgió del movimiento socialista anterior y heredó su fraseología, de hecho ha llevado a cabo el elemento principal del programa socialista; con el resultado, previsto y pretendido de antemano, que la desigualdad económica se ha hecho permanente. Ingsoc, який виріс з попереднього соціалістичного руху і успадкував його фразеологію, фактично виконав головний пункт соціалістичної програми; внаслідок чого економічна нерівність стала постійною.

But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical society go deeper than this. Pero los problemas de perpetuar una sociedad jerárquica son más profundos que esto. Але проблеми збереження ієрархічного суспільства глибші за це. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered from without, or it governs so inefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-confidence and willingness to govern. ||||||||керує||негативно||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| O se conquista desde afuera, o gobierna de manera tan ineficaz que las masas se mueven a rebelarse, o permite que nazca un grupo medio fuerte y descontento, o pierde su propia confianza en sí mismo y su voluntad de gobernar. Або вона завойована ззовні, або вона керує настільки неефективно, що маси підбурюють до повстання, або вона дозволяє сильній і незадоволеній середній групі виникнути, або вона втрачає власну впевненість у собі та бажання керувати. These causes do not operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them would remain in power permanently. Правлячий клас, який міг захистити їх усіх, залишився б при владі назавжди. Ultimately the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself. En definitiva, el factor determinante es la actitud mental de la propia clase dominante. Зрештою, визначальним фактором є менталітет самого правлячого класу.

After the middle of the present century, the first danger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and could only become conquerable through slow demographic changes which a government with wide powers can easily avert. Cada uno de los tres poderes que ahora dividen el mundo es, de hecho, invencible y sólo podría ser conquistable mediante lentos cambios demográficos que un gobierno con amplios poderes puede evitar fácilmente. Кожна з трьох сил, які зараз ділять світ, фактично непереборна і може стати переможною лише через повільні демографічні зміни, які уряд із широкими повноваженнями може легко запобігти. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one. El segundo peligro, también, es solo teórico. The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never revolt merely because they are oppressed. Las masas nunca se rebelan por su propia voluntad, y nunca se rebelan simplemente porque están oprimidas. Indeed, so long as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison, they never even become aware that they are oppressed. De hecho, mientras no se les permita tener estándares de comparación, nunca se darán cuenta de que están oprimidos. Дійсно, поки їм не дозволено мати стандарти порівняння, вони навіть не усвідомлюють, що їх пригноблюють. The recurrent economic crises of past times were totally unnecessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other and equally large dislocations can and do happen without having political results, because there is no way in which discontent can become articulate. ||||||||||||||||||||||порушення||||||||||||||||||| Las crisis económicas recurrentes de épocas pasadas eran totalmente innecesarias y ahora no se permite que ocurran, pero otras dislocaciones igualmente grandes pueden ocurrir y suceden sin tener resultados políticos, porque no hay forma en que el descontento pueda expresarse. Економічні кризи минулих часів, що повторюються, були абсолютно непотрібними, і зараз їх не можна допускати, але інші, однаково великі зрушення можуть відбуватися й відбуваються без політичних наслідків, тому що невдоволення не може висловитися. As for the problem of over-production, which has been latent in our society since the development of machine technique, it is solved by the device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which is also useful in keying up public morale to the necessary pitch. |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||вирішення||||||| En cuanto al problema de la sobreproducción, que ha estado latente en nuestra sociedad desde el desarrollo de la técnica de la máquina, se resuelve mediante el dispositivo de la guerra continua (ver Capítulo III), que también es útil para elevar la moral pública a los niveles necesarios. terreno de juego. Що стосується проблеми надвиробництва, яка прихована в нашому суспільстві з моменту розвитку машинної техніки, то вона вирішується за допомогою засобів безперервної війни (див. розділ III), які також корисні для підтримання суспільної моралі на необхідному рівні. крок. From the point of view of our present rulers, therefore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting-off of a new group of able, under- employed, power-hungry people, and the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks. |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||скептицизм|||| Por lo tanto, desde el punto de vista de nuestros gobernantes actuales, los únicos peligros genuinos son la escisión de un nuevo grupo de personas capaces, subempleadas y hambrientas de poder, y el crecimiento del liberalismo y el escepticismo en sus propias filas. Отже, з точки зору наших нинішніх правителів, єдиною справжньою небезпекою є відкол нової групи здібних, малозайнятих, жадібних до влади людей, а також зростання лібералізму та скептицизму в їхніх власних лавах. The problem, that is to say, is educational. El problema, es decir, es educativo. Проблема, тобто освітня. It is a problem of continuously moulding the consciousness both of the directing group and of the larger executive group that lies immediately below it. Es un problema de moldear continuamente la conciencia tanto del grupo director como del grupo ejecutivo más grande que se encuentra inmediatamente debajo de él. Це проблема постійного формування свідомості як керівної групи, так і більшої виконавчої групи, яка лежить безпосередньо під нею. The consciousness of the masses needs only to be influenced in a negative way.

Given this background, one could infer, if one did not know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. Teniendo en cuenta estos antecedentes, se podría inferir, si no se conocía ya, la estructura general de la sociedad oceánica. Враховуючи це передумови, можна зробити висновок, якщо ви цього ще не знали, про загальну структуру океанічного суспільства. At the apex of the pyramid comes Big Brother. ||szczycie|||||| Big Brother is infallible and all- powerful. |||nieomylny||| Wielki Brat jest nieomylny i wszechmocny. Every success, every achievement, every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly from his leadership and inspiration. |||||||||||||||||(вони)||||||||| Cada éxito, cada logro, cada victoria, cada descubrimiento científico, todo el conocimiento, toda la sabiduría, toda la felicidad, toda la virtud, se considera que emanan directamente de su liderazgo e inspiración. Każdy sukces, każde osiągnięcie, każda zwycięstwo, każde odkrycie naukowe, wszelka wiedza, mądrość, szczęście, cnota, wszystko uważa się za efekty bezpośrednio wynikające z jego przewodnictwa i inspiracji. Nobody has ever seen Big Brother. Nikt nigdy nie widział Wielkiego Brata. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the telescreen. ||||||білбордах||||| Es un rostro en las vallas publicitarias, una voz en la telepantalla. On jest twarzą na billboardach, głosem w teleekranie. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he was born. |||||||||||||||niepewność|||||| Podemos estar razonablemente seguros de que nunca morirá, y ya existe una incertidumbre considerable sobre cuándo nació. Możemy być dość pewni, że nigdy nie umrze, a już teraz istnieje znaczna niepewność co do tego, kiedy się urodził. Big Brother is the guise in which the Party chooses to exhibit itself to the world. ||||przebranie|||||wybiera|||||| Gran Hermano es el disfraz con el que el Partido elige exhibirse ante el mundo. Wielki Brat to przebrane, w którym Partia wybiera, aby zaprezentować się światu. His function is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an organization. ||||||||||||i|||||||||||||| Su función es actuar como un punto focal para el amor, el miedo y la reverencia, emociones que se sienten más fácilmente hacia un individuo que hacia una organización. Jego funkcją jest pełnienie roli punktu skupienia dla miłości, strachu i czci, emocji, które łatwiej odczuwa się względem jednostki niż organizacji. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party. Debajo del Gran Hermano viene la Fiesta Interior. Pod Wielkim Bratem znajduje się Partia Wewnętrzna. Its numbers limited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of the population of Oceania. Jej liczba ograniczona jest do sześciu milionów lub nieco mniej niż 2 procent populacji Oceanii.